Malema’s conundrum in the face of MKP’s rapid growth

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Commander-in-Chief and President of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), Julius Malema, sing struggle songs with party supporters during the Gauteng EFF Provincial Ground Forces Forum at Orlando Community Hall in Soweto on August 19, 2024. Picture: Itumeleng English/ Independent Newspapers

Prof. Bheki Mngomezulu

WHEN the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) was established on July 26, 2013, it left many people guessing. Some predicted its demise as soon as the euphoria which characterised its establishment subsided.

The significant decline of the Congress of the People (COPE) which had been formed by Mosiuoa Lekota, Mbhazima Shilowa and Mluleki George in 2008 following the ANC’s decision to recall then President Thabo Mbeki gave more impetus to the view that the EFF would also die a natural death.

To the surprise of the prophets of doom, the EFF grew from strength to strength after doing well in the 2014 general election where it obtained 6.4%. In the 2019 general election, the EFF grew significantly, obtaining 10.80%. The same upward trajectory could also be seen in the 2016 and 2021 Local Government Elections (LGE).

The announcement by former President Jacob Zuma on December 16, 2023, that he was going to support the new uMkhonto weSizwe Party (MKP) sounded the death knells for many political parties – including the EFF. While it is true that the ANC suffered the most after mistakenly dismissing the MKP as a ‘Zulu party’, the EFF could also not be insulated.

Having occupied the number three spot at the national level, for the first time in the May 29, 2024, general election the EFF declined to 9.52%. It was pushed to position four by the MKP which obtained 14.58%. This was a huge achievement. Whereas the EFF got 25 seats in the National Assembly in its first appearance in 2014, the MKP obtained 58 seats even though it was less than six months old.

Indeed, the emergence of the MKP did not spare any political party. All three major political parties (ANC, DA, and EFF) fell victim to the MKP – before, during, and after the election. The EFF continues to lose its members to the MKP. When people like Mzwanele Manyi resigned from the EFF and joined the MKP, some said this was an insignificant issue.

But when EFF Deputy President Floyd Shivambu also ditched the EFF to join the MKP, many were taken by surprise. Even Julius Malema who is the President of the EFF could not hide his shock. His facial expression and his entire body language at the press briefing in which Shivambu made the two announcements of leaving the EFF and joining the MKP, said it all.

Malema’s subsequent lengthy address to his members confirmed that he was shaken by his Deputy’s departure. He warned EFF members to brace themselves for the turbulence – even hinting that he expected many of them to leave the party to join the MKP, especially those who aligned themselves with Shivambu.

Outlining the guidelines his party will follow during its conference scheduled for December 12-15, 2024, Malema insisted that those failing to toe the line would be expelled from the party. His words were meant to instil discipline in the organisation. Whether this was good or bad for the party remains a moot point.

Given the picture painted above, the EFF has tough decisions to make – sooner rather than later.

The first decision should be on how to conduct the party’s upcoming conference in December. To save itself, the EFF must draw lessons from the ANC's factional politics which has seen it declining below 45 percent for the first time since 1994. It must also learn from the mistake of the National Freedom Party (NFP) which split into smaller parties thereby committing political suicide.

Among other things, the EFF must decide if it wants to keep Julius Malema at the helm just because he is still available to lead the party or because they still believe in his leadership prowess. Before deciding on him and any other contestant either for the presidency or deputy presidency, members of the EFF must cast their eyes onto the 2026 LGE and the 2029 general elections.

The second decision should be on whether the EFF plans to retain its radical stance or revise it so that it attracts more support.

Thirdly, the EFF must decide whether it still wants to focus on the youth as its growth base or broaden its support base across the age divide.

Fourthly, the party must decide whether it still wants to retain its socialist stance, even if it is unworkable, or to tone down its position somewhat without losing its identity.

The fifth and last decision will not be an easy one. I dare say it is the toughest of them all.

It starts with Malema as the leader of the EFF. He must ask himself a pertinent question: is he ready to face Zuma and his MKP in the 2026 LGE and the 2029 general election? Should his answer be in the affirmative, he must pull up his sleeves soon after the December conference (assuming he emerges victorious).

If the answer is in the negative, the next question will be: is it better to invoke the saying that ‘if you can’t win them join them’ and thus allow the EFF to merge with the MKP?

Flowing from the last question is a broader question which transcends the EFF’s body politic. It is no secret that the ANC’s support has dwindled. It is also true that there are several leftist parties which can easily find one another provided they abandon political egos and put the country first.

In this regard, should the EFF consider joining hands with parties like the ANC, IFP, MKP, UDM, PAC, and other like-minded parties to establish a united front?

Surely, none of these questions are easy to answer. But Malema must admit that the MKP has put him on the back foot. As more members leave the EFF and join the MKP, Malema must ask himself if he wants to allow the party to die under his watch or take a decision to save it and save himself.

* Prof Bheki Mngomezulu is the Director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at the Nelson Mandela University.

** The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL.