Business Report Opinion

A nation unprepared: South Africa’s G20 moment exposes deep cracks at home and abroad

Pali Lehohla|Published

Dr Pali Lehohla is a Professor of Practice at the University of Johannesburg, among other hats.

Image: Supplied

Our country is not in the space it should be in. As a host of G20 we would have loved to be a shining star that had dealt poverty a blow,  a place where corruption was dealt with firmly,  where children have a brighter future, taps are not only running but are oozing label blue water, with smooth streets, where women feel safe, and children are assured of a meal daily. This is the South Africa dreamed of and this is the sacrifice Mandela and his cohorts made.

Yet the reality is the Madlanga Commission and the streets ooze  raw sewerage, while unemployment of the youth is north of 62%. With hope for the SDGs, South Africa is no where closer to the goals as it regresses.

But the day the tantrum of Trump caused him to trample, stumble out of the G20 Trampoline and dropped hard and hung on the sharp horns of the buffalo for the world to see, might just be the big trigger for sustained change. A memory lane of such comparator makes interesting. The lane is about a decision sponsored by South Africa’s Trevor Manuel when he was minister of finance.

He led the rationalization of the caravan of separate economic summits that ministers had to attend annually. These were meetings of the African Union on the one hand and on the other the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.They had the same agenda. These separate summits discussed the same agenda and there was no reason for a caravan of up to three summits when one would suffice. Under Executive Secretary Abdulae Janneh and African Union Commission Chairman Alpha Oumar Konare the decision of joint meetings was taken. Progress was made.

However, there was always a troubling pickle – The question of Morocco and Sahrawi. The AU recognizes the Sahrawi and Morocco would have none of it. This led to the suspension of Morocco from the AU. Under Nkosazana Zuma as the chair of the African Union, the presence of Sahrawi in joint meetings was sustained despite Morocco’s persistent protestations. It was after her departure that Morocco showed its true colours. We had convened in Dakar, Senegal, where the true colours came out. The meeting of experts that precedes that of ministers was chaired by my deputy, Risenga Maluleke, the current Statistician-General who had to hand over to Senegal.

We anticipated Morocco’s antics because the protestations had played out in a prior meeting in Addis. But the chair who was handing over to South Africa would have none of that. He could not entertain it. In Dakar, Morocco’s antics were so hooligan and uncouthed that it was impossible to stand them. They decided to occupy the Sahrawi flag. It took Maluleke’s firm hand to get Morocco from the set of Sahrawi. But it was not over until it was over. Time for handing over to an African Trump. Senegal under the watchful of Morocco was unwilling to take the chair. We spent three full days telling Senegal that they had to prepare to take the chair. Morocco continued to filibuster. Finally, Maluleke and I realizing that the baby will die in our hands hatched a plan with Zimbabwe. The next chair was going to be Senegal as the host but under pressure from Morocco, Senegal was not willing to take the chairpersonship. The trick was to nominate, second and the outgoing chair to frogmarch the next chair to the stage.

Across South Africa and Zimbabwe, the plan was rehearsed. When the time for electing the bureau started, we executed with precision. I nominated Senegal, in half a second the chair called for a seconder, Zimbabwe seconded, in less than quarter a second the chair said Senegal you are the chair come and occupy your seat. Like a sheep for slaughter Senegal sheepishly came to the front to chair. But the game was far from over, the new chair called for a coffee break that never ended. Whatever Manuel had won as rationale, in 2006, ten years later it took a new shape and colour.

Back to Trump who fell on the horns of the buffalo it is not clear whether Johannesburg became the Dakar moment. Whilst in Dakar Maluleke handed over tothe director general of economic affairs, the G20 had to handover but there was no one to whom Ramaphosa could handover.

Even the American ambassador who was in attendance was referred to by Trump’s spokesperson not as the ambassador but merely some representative from the American Embassy. She was also quick to say that she saw Ramaphosa running off his mouth a little bit and that offended the White House.

The point is a country of 340 million people has for far too long allowed to dominate theworld. On this score I can proudly regurgitate the Battle of Mohlanapeng - the 1880-1881 Gun War where the Cape Colony army was defeated by Basotho warriors andin poetry and praise song the equivalent will be Trump trampolined and missed the G20 ring and hung himself on the horns of an unsuspecting calm buffalo.

Trump failed to hear the words clearly that there is no genocide in South Africa. When it comes to world affairs from trade wars to détente, Trump’s The Apprentice show remains the hallmark of his world “you are fired”. Worse still if the tantrum master being host will choose who should come and who should not come to Miami next year, he has already signalled that.

Naledi Pandor whose visa for the US has been revoked is a clear warning sign to Ramaphosa and South Africa that the Mandela nation may not be welcome in the United States. But an 18th century nation of 330 million built on slavery, should not continue to be the agenda setter of a free 21st century world.

Dr Pali Lehohla is a Professor of Practice at the University of Johannesburg, a Research Associate at Oxford University, a board member of Institute for Economic Justice at Wits and a distinguished Alumni of the University of Ghana. He is the former Statistician-General of South Africa.

*** The views expressed here do not necessarily represent those of Independent Media or IOL.

BUSINESS REPORT